In 1811, the Shawnee leader Tecumseh, with the help of a comet and an earthquake, convinced some of the Upper Creek towns of the Muscogee to turn against the white civilization they had begun to embrace. This led to one of the worse massacres on American soil. The Battle of Fort Mims was orchestrated by William “Red Eagle” Weatherford, and, as news of the massacre spread, Americans found themselves in a war against the angry Creek. Although the massacre at Fort Mims served to ignite war with the United States, was this really the beginning?
What happened to make William Weatherford and his Red Sticks attack Fort Mims and what was the outcome? Although accounts of the massacre at Fort Mims served to ignite war with the United States and the Creeks, the militia attack at the Battle of Burnt Corn angered the Red Sticks, which is what ultimately led to the slaying of approximately 300 people that day at Fort Mims. In October, 1811, the great Shawnee leader, Tecumsah, arrived in Muscogee or Creek territory (present day northeast Alabama) with his brother, Tenskwatawa, who was known as The Prophet.
Several thousand Creek warriors came to hear Tecumsah speak in this area known as Hickory Ground. Tecumsah was trying to rally tribes to stop the encroachment of Americans onto Native American lands. Colonel Benjamin Hawkins, the Indian agent, was not worried about Tecumsah’s influence over the Muskogee as they were regarded as one of the “Civilized Tribes” of the southeast. Many of them had been baptized into the Christian faith and accepted the Anglo-American culture as their own.  The young men of the Muskogee nation were enthralled with Tecumsah whose reputation was already well-known to them.
The Prophet, trying to make inroads with the medicine men of the tribe, played on their superstitions by telling of a fiery omen that would soon appear in the night sky. Tenskwatawa had learned of a coming comet from British soldiers. Tecumsah noted that the Muskogee leaders did not seem interested in making war on the Americans. When he presented a present of wampum and a war hatchet to one of the lead chieftains, Tecumsah, in a fit of anger stated, Your blood is white! You have taken my talk, and the wampum and the hatchet, but you do not mean to fight.
I know the reason. You do not believe the Great Spirit has sent me. But you shall know. From here I shall go straight to Canada. When I arrive there I shall stamp the ground with my foot and shake down every house in this village.  Nature played into Tecumsah’s threat when, legend says, shortly after his return to Canada, an earthquake occurred in northeastern Alabama.  One of the warriors who was in Tecumsah’s audience in October, 1811, was a biracial Creek Native American named William “Red Eagle” Weatherford.
William Weatherford was one-eighth Creek; he was the son of a Scot trader, Charles Weatherford, and a biracial Creek woman. William Weatherford, according to legend, stood 6’5” with piercing dark eyes. He was from the Upper Creek towns in the Muskogee nation. William Weatherford preferred the life of a Native American rather than living in Anglo civilization. He felt that the Americans were encroaching on Native American territory, and that was not good for his people. Even feeling this way, William Weatherford did not think the Creek should engage the Americans in war.
He pointed out that the Americans, when few in number, had beaten the English in a war and now there were many more Americans. William Weatherford stated that the English were white also and cared for the Native Americans no more than the Americans did. His suggestion was to remain neutral in the American war with the British, but if they had to choose, then the best choice would be the Americans.  Tecumsah’s visit helped ignite the tensions between the Upper and Lower Creeks. The Upper Creek towns were inspired by Tecumseh’s words and their own religious leaders along with British traders.
The fighting faction of the Upper Creeks were known as Red Sticks, and their leaders were William Weatherford, Peter McQueen and Menawa. The Lower Creek, led by William McIntosh, were proponents of the “civilizing programs” that were being administered by the Indian agent, Benjamin Hawkins. The White Sticks of the Muscogee Lower Creek sought peaceful relations with the white settlers. The Red Sticks tried to keep their activities secret from the old chiefs and Benjamin Hawkins, but when Tecumseh rallied his followers and joined a British invasion to capture Fort Detroit in August, 1812, their activities became known. 5] A small party of Red Sticks, led by Little Warrior, was returning from Fort Detroit in February, 1813. They killed two families of settlers near Nashville along the Duck River. Benjamin Hawkins demanded that the Muskogee turn over Little Warrior and his party to authorities. The old chiefs though decided to execute the war party themselves. This decision by the old chiefs was the moment that the civil war started between the two factions of Muscogees, the Upper and Lower Creeks. This war became known as the Creek War of 1813 – 1814 or the Red Stick War. 6]  After the executions, the Red Sticks journeyed to Pensacola to ask Don Mateo Gonzalez Manrique, the Spanish Governor, for war materials. They were led by Hillis Hadjo, Jim Boy and Peter McQueen. Governor Manrique supplied the angry faction with arms because of Spain’s bitter relations with the United States. Governor Manrique hoped that by supplying arms to the Muskogee, Britain would view this as Spain’s attempt to support its alliance with Britain; at the same time this move would avoid an out and out war between Spain and the United States. 
Once the arms were successfully retrieved, the Red Sticks set out to entice other Muskogee, who were friendly with Americans, to join their revolt. The Red Sticks’ plan was to attack Coweta County, Georgia. Coweta County, Georgia was a friendly Muskogee stronghold of the Creek Nation. The Red Sticks saw conquering Coweta as a vital objective in achieving their goals of unifying all Creeks and stopping American encroachment on their lands. If they could conquer and persuade this Muskogee stronghold to join their revolt, they would add strength in numbers against the United States.
United States spies observed what was happening and alerted the Washington County militia in an attempt to stop the Red Sticks from moving north with their war supplies.  Many United States citizens feared the civil war that was brewing between the Creek Indians and decided during the summer of 1813 to confront the Red Sticks at Tuckabatchee, a Creek Nation town located on the Tallapoosa River in Alabama. Most settlers feared that if the United States began hostilities with the Red Sticks that the settlers’ homes would become targets of Red Stick aggression.
Still, this confrontation took place because many viewed weapons in the hands of hostile Indians as extremely dangerous. These fears all materialized at the Battle of Burnt Corn.  On July 27, 1813, militia scouts of the United States Army found three hundred and fifty Red Sticks on Pensacola Road at Burnt Corn Creek. The militia, under the leadership of Colonel James Caller and Captain Dixon Bailey (a biracial Creek), decided on a surprise attack. Catching McQueen’s warriors by surprise, Caller’s militia stormed down the hill and scattered the Red Sticks into a dense canebrake. 11] Due to the surprise and shock of the 180 troops charging down the hill, the fleeing Red Sticks left behind their arms. The troops, thankful for this easy victory, began to plunder through the abandoned war loot. Angered by this defeat. the surprised Red Sticks regrouped in the canebrake and surprised the militia with an attack. Colonel Caller told his men to fall back to in order to find a more secure position to fight. Most of the men thought they were retreating and ran in a wild panic.
The estimated eighty soldiers that did stay held their own for an hour and then they too retreated. The Army did, however, take most of the supplies the Red Sticks had received in Florida so the Red Sticks went back to Florida for more. Until this battle, the war had been a civil war within the Creek nation. Now the Americans were involved in the Creek War.  The battle of Burnt Corn became known as an embarrassing episode for the militia. Many militiamen were too embarrassed to even admit that they were involved in this defeat.  This battle led to criticisms by many Americans.
Many settlers believed that Dixon Bailey and James Caller had acted too abruptly thus causing an undue conflict with the Red Sticks. However, many citizens thought this confrontation would lead to future American settlement of Muskogee territory. Additionally, many believed this confrontation was necessary to protect trade and stability in the region.  During this time, William Weatherford was struggling with conflicting interests. He believed that the Creeks could not win in a war with the Americans and had, in fact, counseled against such a war when Tecumseh spoke ith the Creek Nation. William Weatherford was mostly Anglo, but, regardless, he believed that the Americans were going to push the Creek from their lands. When the conflict became inevitable, he, with misgiving, cast his lot with the Red Creek going against his own half brother, Jack, and other family members. William Weatherford and the Creek Chief, Hadjo, met with Chocktaw leaders hoping to persuade that powerful tribe to join the Redsticks. Pushmataha, the leader of the Choctaws, was proud of the fact that he had never spilt the blood of a white man and refused to join the Redsticks. 15] Believing there would be reprisals for the battle at Burnt Creek, citizens fled to surrounding forts for protection. One of these forts was Fort Mims, a make shift stockade around a farm named after its owner, Samuel Mims.  Samuel Mims was a biracial Creek, and those that sought refuge at his farm included white farmers, a few African-American slaves, and several Anglo-Native American Creeks planters from the area. There were, according to General F. L. Claiborne, 275 – 300 “whites and mixed-bloods” along with an undetermined amount of black slaves at Fort Mims. 17]  Included in this number was 120 Mississippi militia under the command of Major Daniel Beasley, 70 Louisiana militia under the leadership of Major Dixon Bailey, and 16 men from Fort Stoddert under the leadership of Lieutenant Osborne.  Fort Mims was located on approximately an acre of land surrounded by a wooden palisade that was seven feet tall with loopholes that the defenders of the fort could fire their rifles through. There was one gate, and the blockhouse which was the central defensive structure was not even finished. 
In an effort to bolster defense, General Claiborne wrote a letter to Major Beasley on August 29, 1813, warning him of the grave danger to Fort Mims.  After a close examination of the fort, General Claiborne scolded Major Beasley for his relaxed supervision of the fort. General Claiborne demanded that Major Beasley build up his stockade and place scouts on patrols to watch for Creek hostilities. Many of these orders were haphazardly followed.  In fact, Major Beasley did not really begin to follow orders until a few hours before the attack on Fort Mims.
In a letter from Major Beasley to General Claiborne on August 30, 1813, Major Beasley proclaimed: Mims Block House, August 30th, 1813Sir: I send enclosed, the morning reports of my command. I have improved the Fort at this place, and made it much stronger than when you were here. Pierce’s stockade is not very strong, but he has erected three substantial blockhouses. On the 27th, Ensign Davis, who commands at Hanson’s Mill, wrote me: “We shall by to-morrow, be in such a state of defense that we shall not be afraid of any number of Indians. There was a false alarm here yesterday.
Two negro boys belonging to Mr. Randon, were out some distance from the fort minding some beef cattle, and reported that they saw a great number of Indians painted, running and whooping towards Pierce’s Mill. The conclusion was that they Knew the Mill- fort to be more vunerable than this, and had determined to make their attack their first. I dispatched Captain Middleton with 10 mounted men, to ascertain the strength of the enemy, intending, if they were not to numerous, to turn out the most of our force here and march to the relief of Pierce’s Mill. But the alarm has proved to be false.
What gave some plausibilty to the report at first was that several of Randon’s negroes had been previously sent up to his plantation for corn, and had reported it to be full of Indians committing every kind of havoc. But now I doubt the truth of that report. I was much pleased with the appearance of my men at the time of the alarm yesterday, when it was expected every moment that the Indians would appear. They very generally seemed anxious to see them.  Meanwhile, William Weatherford and his band of Red Sticks moved to capture surrounding plantations in search of supplies.
On August 20, 1813, William Weatherford and his men captured Zachariah McGirth’s plantation.  In the process, the Red Sticks took a slave prisoner by the name of Joe, who served as an informant and described all of Fort Mims vulnerabilities. Joe explained that the best time to attack Fort Mims was during meals while the soldiers’ guards were down.  After the Fort Mims Massacre, many slaves were blamed for aiding the Red Sticks in their defeat of the fort. One accuser, the Indian agent Benjamin Hawkins, explained in his journal that the massacre could have never taken place had it not been for the “blacks who cut down the pickets.  The evening before the planned attack, the Red Sticks left their camp at Flat Creek and moved silently toward Fort Mims. William Weatherford halted his men when they came upon two militia scouts talking on the road. Red Stick leaders debated about whether to kill these two men or to remain hidden in the brush. Eventually all agreed that killing the scouts would hurt their mission of vengeance and proceeded to secretly get a look at the fort up close.  The Redsticks moved quietly to not be detected and were managed to come within yards of the fort.
This proved to be essential to Weatherford and his warriors for it provided them with even more intelligence.  Once enough intelligence was gathered, Weatherford drew back his men and set up camp back at Flat Creek. That evening Weatherford gave a stirring speech to his men pleading for them to only seek revenge on the men gathered at Fort Mims. Some historians believe that William Weatherford did this because he was in love with Lucy Cornells who was seeking shelter at Fort Mims.  While Weatherford and his men calculated an attack, inhabitants of the fort went on living their daily lives.
Instead of training his troops most days Beasley let them do whatever they wanted.  One historian, Robbie Etheridge, blames soldier boredom on the Fort Mims Massacre. Many commanders relaxed fort rules to prevent desertion and allowed soldiers to mingle and trade with the peaceful Muskogee. This was detrimental to the inhabitants of Fort Mims because many of these Muskogee were targets to Red Stick aggression.  Yet, if anyone was to blame for the horrible outcomes of the Fort Mims massacre, it would have to be Major Beasley. Major Beasley was a negligent leader of Fort Mims.
He had no military training nor any experience with Indian warfare.  Major Beasley proved this to be true when he began to hear warnings of Red Stick approaches to Fort Mims. Several slaves warned Major Beasley of Red Stick activity around Fort Mims. Instead of heading these warnings, Beasley grew angry and had these slaves flogged for promoting social unrest by spreading lies.  Josiah Fletcher was one of the owners of the slaves, and when Fletcher’s slave warned Beasley of Indian activity, Beasley ordered his troops to flog the slave. Josiah Fletcher thought this was entirely uncalled for and protested.
Beasley responded by saying if Fletcher disagreed he could take his family and slaves and leave Fort Mims. Reluctantly, Fletcher allowed his slave to be flogged.  In addition to warnings from slaves, many woodsmen warned Major Beasley of an impending attack on Fort Mims yet Beasley ignored them all.  Instead of heeding warnings, Beasley chose to drink whiskey and play cards with his men. By evening Beasley became intoxicated. James Cornells, a local farmer rode up to the gate of Fort Mims and warned Beasley of Red Sticks gathering for battle in the forest.
Beasley responded, “You only saw a gang of red cattle. ” Cornells left the fort outraged and yelled back, “Those cattle will give you a hell of a kick before night. ” When the noon drum beat to signal lunchtime for the soldiers, it also serves as a signal to the Red Sticks who lay in hiding in the tall grasses around the fort. Reports say that Major Beasley was killed immediately as he tried to shut the gate to the fort. Sand had drifted up around the gate and not been cleared away. Upon his death, Captain Dixon Bailey took control of the soldiers within the fort. It was too late though.
The Red Sticks swept into the fort and started the killing. The battle raged on for three hours. Men, women and children were killed whatever their color. The Red Sticks ignored William Weatherford’s earlier plea of sparring the women and children. By the time the battle was over, approximately 300 people from the fort were dead.  Of the 700 plus Red Creek that attacked the fort, it was later estimated that approximately half of them died though first reports were that only 200 or so died.  With the exception of the slaves that helped the Red Sticks, only eighteen people were able to escape Fort Mims.
They fled in terror to spread the news of the attack.  Susan Hatterway was one of the survivors. According to her account, William Weatherford’s only goal was to kill Dixon Beasley. She explained that he charged the gate screaming, “Dixon Bailey, today one or both of us must die! ” Hatterway survived the massacre due to a compassionate Red Stick. According to Susan Hatterway, she watched as an Indian shot and killed her husband. In a spur of the moment decision she grabbed hold of Elizabeth Randon, an abandoned white girl, and a slave child named Lizzie and said, Let us go out and be killed together. ” As Susan Hatterway and the terrified children made their way out into the open, a Red Stick warrior named Dog Warrior captured the three and carried them to nearby Pensacola to the safety of Susan Hatterway’s friends.  Another survivor of the Fort Mims Massacre was Dr. Thomas G. Holmes. Dr. Holmes took credit for helping Dixon Bailey and Dixon Bailey’s son, Ralph, along with their slave, Hester, escape. While fleeing the fort, Dr. Holmes explained that the Red Sticks fired at them injuring Hester in the chest.
This frightened Ralph Bailey so much that he ran toward the shelter of Fort Mims where he was intercepted by a Red Stick who clubbed him to death spilling his brains onto the fresh dirt.  Hester continued to run even though she was injured and eventually made it to the safety of Fort Stoddert.  Dr. Holmes feared that he would die next and decided to abandon the severely injured Dixon Bailey. Dr. Holmes fled to the safety of the swamp in the shelter of a hallowed out Cyprus tree. There he waited five days until he came upon a stray horse.
He mounted the horse and rode to an abandoned home. Once Dr. Dixon was in the safety of the home, he managed to catch a chicken and eat it raw for fear of building a fire.  Several days later a party of soldiers found Dr. Holmes and escorted him to Mount Vernon to join the other survivors. Several days later these same soldiers found Dixon Bailey’s lifeless body lying in the swamp.  One enduring story passed down from generation to generation became an American legend. This story was of Zachariah McGirth, his seven daughters, and his wife Vicey.
Zachiriah McGirth left Fort Mims before the massacre on army duty leaving behind his wife and daughters. Vicey fought to protect her daughters from harm when a young warrior named Sonata came upon them. Sonata immediately took Vicey and her daughters prisoner. He carried the ladies to the shelter of the forest where he took care of them for several days. Vicey McGirth had shown kindness to Sonata years earlier when he was starving and homeless. This kindness spared the life of Vicey McGirth and her daughters. The couple was eventually reunited and papers across the United States published this enduring story for all to see. 48] As a direct result of the Fort Mims Massacre on September 20, 1813, a 3,500 men army marched to invade Muskogee territories. The battle cry became, “Remember Fort Mims! ” General Andrew Jackson led the forces that marched against the Creek. There were battles between Andrew Jackson and William Weatherford’s Red Sticks, but the end of the war was at Horseshoe Bend. On March 27, 1814, Andrew Jackson rode towards Horseshoe Bend, William Weatherford’s stronghold. He was there with 900 men and approximately 300 women and children. The Creek fought bravely, but their tomahawks and clubs were no match for the rifles of the army.
Even the woman and children were not spared as Andrew Jackson’s troops attacked. By the end of the battle, 759 of the Creek warriors were dead. However, William Weatherford was not one of them.  William Weatherford had not been at Horseshoe Bend that day. He had prepared the fort for assault, but, not expecting Andrew Jackson yet, William Weatherford had gone elsewhere for an inspection. Within a matter of days, a tall, light-skinned Native American appeared at Andrew Jackson’s camp. Upon giving his name, he was allowed to see Andrew Jackson. John Reid, Andrew Jackson’s aide, was the only witness to the meeting.
John Reid said that William Weatherford was the greatest of the Barbarian world. He possessed all the manliness of sentiment – all the heroism of soul, all the comprehension of intellect calculated to make an able commander. You have seen his speech to General Jackson…but you could not see his looks and gestures – the modesty and yet the firmness that were in them.  William Weatherford had come to give himself up. It has been reported that he told General Jackson to do to him as General Jackson saw fit. William Weatherford asked for mercy for the women and children of the Red Sticks and offered peace.
General Jackson, in an uncharacteristic act of charity, allowed William Weatherford to have his freedom as long as he did not again make war against the Americans. William Weatherford kept his promise and became an Alabama planter.  Just one year after the confrontation with the Red Sticks at the Battle of Burnt Corn, most of the Red Sticks were defeated. General Thomas Pinckney called for the Upper Creek to give up all of their lands, to allow for the United States military to use Muskogee roads and waterways, and surrender all of the prophets. 53] In addition to this, the Treaty of Fort Jackson eliminated the Creek’s ability to trade with foreign nations and reduced the Creek to “extreme want. ” William Weatherford was correct in predicting what would happen to the Muskogee. This war crippled Creek tribes and gave the United States claim to all of Muskogee lands. Bibliography Primary Sources Halbert H. S. , and T. H. Ball. The Creek War of 1813 and 1814. Chicago: Donohue & Henneberry, 1895. • Letter from Major Beasley to General Claiborne 30 August 1813 • Letter from Charles Weatherford to T. H.
Ball, October 17, 1890 • The Treaty of Fort Jackson, Articles of Agreement and Capitulation Made 9 August 1814, between Major General Andrew Jackson on behalf of the President of the United States and the Chiefs of the Creek Nation Secondary Sources Bunn, Mike and Williams, Clay. Battle for the Southern Frontier. Tuscaloosa: The University Of Alabama Press, 2008. Davis, Kenneth C. A Nation Rising: Untold Tales of Flawed Founders, Fallen Heroes, and Forgotten Fighters from America’s Hidden History. New York: Harper Collins, 2010. Debo, Angie. The Road to Disappearance: A History of the Creek Indians.
Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1941. Ethridge, Robbie. Creek Country: The Creek Indians and Their World. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2003. Grant, C. L. , ed. Letters, Journals and Writings of Benjamin Hawkins, Volume II, 1802 – 1816. Savannah: The Beehive Press, 1980. Griffith, Benjamin W. McIntosh and Weatherford, Creek Indian Leaders. Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama Press, 1988. Jackson, Harvey H. III. Inside Alabama: A Personal History of My State. Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama Press, 2004. Martin, Joel W.
Sacred Revolt: The Muskogees’ Struggle for a New World. Boston: Beacon Press, 1991. Miles, Tiya. Ties That Bind: The Story of an Afro-Cherokee Family in Slavery and Freedom. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1970. O’Brien, Sean M. In Bitterness and In Tears. Westport: Greenwood Publishing Group, 2002. Owsley, Frank L. , Jr. Struggle for the Gulf Borderlands: The Creek War and the Battle of New Orleans, 1812 – 1815. Rogers, William W. , and Robert D. Ward, Leah R. Atkins, and Wayne Flynt. Alabama: The History of a Deep South State. Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama Press, 1994.
Tebbel, John and Jennison, Keith. ,The American Indian Wars. Edison, NJ: Castle Books, 2006. Waselkov, Gregory. A Conquering Sprit: Fort Mims and the Redstick War of 1813 – 1814. Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama Press, 2009. ———————–  Kenneth C. Davis, A Nation Rising: Untold Tales of Flawed Founders, Fallen Heroes, and Forgotten Fighters from America’s Hidden History (New York: Harper Collins, 2010), 71.  John Tebbel & Keith Jennison, The American Indian Wars (Edison, NJ: Castle Books, 2006), 166.  Ibid. , 165- 167.  Benjamin W. Griffith, Jr.
McIntosh and Weatherford, Creek Indian Leaders (Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama Press, 1988), 77.   Benjamin W. Griffith, Jr,. McIntosh and Weatherford, 86. http://www. usgennet. org/usa/ga/topic/indian/Pickettshistory. htm (accessed 4/15/2011).  C. L. Grant, ed. , Letters, Journals and Writings of Benjamin Hawkins, Volume II, 1802 – 1816 (Savannah: The Beehive Press, 1980), 636 – 637.  Sean M. O’Brien, In Bitterness and In Tears (Westport: Greenwood Publishing Group, 2002), 29.  Joel W. Martin, Sacred Revolt: The Muskogees’ Struggle for a New World (Boston: Beacon Press, 1991), 150 – 155. 11] Ibid. , 150 – 155.  Benjamin W. Griffith, Jr. McIntosh and Weatherford, 96.  Joel W. Martin, Sacred Revolt, 151.  Benjamin W. Griffith, Jr. , McIntosh and Weatherford, 97.  Joel W. Martin, Sacred Revolt, 151 – 153.  Benjamin W. Griffith, Jr. McIntos hand Weatherford, 100 – 101.  Harvey H. Jackson, III. Inside Alabama: A Personal History of My State (Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama Press, 2004), 32.  Benjamin W. Griffith, Jr. , McIntosh and Weatherford, 101 – 102.  John Tebbel & Keith Jennison, The American Indian Wars, 167,  Benjamin W.
Griffith, Jr. , McIntosh and Weatherford, 102.  Kenneth C. Davis, A Nation Rising, 70.  http://homepages. rootsweb. ancestry. com/~cmamcrk4/crkwr3. html#anchor450769 (accessed February 15, 2011).  William W. Rogers, Robert D. Ward, Leah R. Atkins, and Wayne Flynt. Alabama: The History of a Deep South State (Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama Press, 1994), 49.  http://homepages. rootsweb. ancestry. com/~cmamcrk4/crkwr3. html#anchor450769 (accessed February 15, 2011).  Benjamin W. Griffith, Jr. McIntosh and Weatherford, 102.  Ibid. , 102.  Joel W.
Martin, Sacred Revolt, 156.  Benjamin W. Griffith, McIntosh and Weatherford, 101.  Ibid. , 101.  Ibid. , 101.  Ibid. , 102.  Robbie Ethridge, Creek Country: The Creek Indians and Their World ( Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 133.  William W. Rogers, Robert D. Ward, Leah R. Atkins, and Wayne Flynt. Alabama: The History of a Deep South State, 8.  William W. Rogers, Robert D. Ward, Leah R. Atkins, and Wayne Flynt. Alabama: The History of a Deep South State, 49  Benjamin W. Griffith, McIntosh and Weatherford, 104.  Harvey H.
Jackson. III. Inside Alabama, 32.  Ibid. , 32.  Ibid. , 33.  John Tebbel & Keith Jennison, The American Indian Wars, 168 – 169.  Benjamin W. Giffith, Jr. , McIntosh and Weatherford, 110 – 111. Angie Debo, The Road to Disappearance: A History of the Creek Indians. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1941), 79.  Benjamin W. Griffith, McIntosh and Weatherford, 106.  Ibid. , 106.  H. S. Halbert and T. H. Ball, The Creek War of 1813 and 1814 (Chicago: Donohue & Henneberry, 1895. Google Books, October 2008), 175. http://books. google. com/books? d=J9pEAAAAIAAJ=Halbert+%26+Ball:+The+Creek+War+of+1813+and+1814=frontcover=bl=wS1LwsIESP=_L4hEWUqMVl5pzDGMJFExzos1yI#PPA7,M1 (web accessed 4/20/2011).  Benjamin W. Griffith, Jr. , McIntosh and Weatherford,108.  William W. Rogers, Robert D. Ward, Leah R. Atkins, and Wayne Flynt. Alabama: The History of a Deep South State, 50.  Benjamin W. Griffith, Jr. McIntosh and Weatherford, 109.  Ibid. , 106.  Ibid. , 110.  Joel W. Martin, Sacred Revolt, 158.  John Tebbel & Keith Jennison, The American Indian Wars, 174 – 176.  Ibid. , 177.