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The Changes In Communication And Technology English Language Essay

The society which was one time massified by media is being de-massified by the new tendency in InfoTech. De-massification, harmonizing to Fairweather ( 2005 ) , is a procedure which allows communicators to interact straight with selected populaces without holding bureaucratic communicating procedure. In this regard, the new media have caused a radical displacement in the balance of power between the intelligence manufacturer and the intelligence consumer ( Lasica, 2002 ; Shirky, 2009 ; Jenkins, 2006 ) .

The inquiry of de-massification of the media and its political and societal effects may change harmonizing to the utilizations of societal networking media ( Fairweather, 2005 ) . Communication through societal networking ( chiefly Facebook and Twitter ) has been playing major function in the rebellions of some Arab states such as Tunisia, Egypt and several states in the universe late.

It is in this context that this thesis will reply the major research inquiry:

Can Twitter be described as a “ radical tool ” in the Arab Spring?

The hypothesis adopted emphasiss that Twitter is so a radical tool, but every bit far as the function of Twitter in the Egyptian rebellion is concerned, it was merely a agency of communicating, a agencies to circulate the information and spread the word. The tools of revolutions were the people who created the events non the societal webs.

The thesis will analyze the Twitter “ tweets ” or messages, and the manner in which they mediate communicating between the Twitter-users ( Tweeters ) and their followings during the Egyptian revolution over a period of 22 yearss ( from January 22, 2011 through February 12, 2011 ) .

To reply the research inquiry, we will first supply a reappraisal of the literature, definitions refering the cardinal constructs of this research, and define selected attacks which will be used for the analysis of informations.

Structure of the thesis

This paper consists of a general debut and three chapters. In the gap chapter, I will set up the constructs and attacks which represent the nucleus of this survey: Systemic Functional Linguistics ( SFL ) and Critical Discourse Analysis ( CDA ) . Chapter two contains the research design and analysis of the informations through the usage of SFL and CDA every bit good as a treatment of the consequences. As a decision, chapter three provides a brief sum-up of the major findings, presents some restrictions and makes some suggestions for farther research, and discusses some pedagogical deductions. This chapter ends with a general decision.

Before covering with the theoretical model, I will get down with a brief timeline of major events in 2011 Egyptian Revolution that started on January 25, 2011.

Timeline: Egyptian Revolution

A history of the revolution that ended the three-decade-long presidential term of Hosni Mubarak.

January 2011: Militants in Egypt call for an rebellion in their ain state, to protest against poorness, unemployment, authorities corruptness and the regulation of president Hosni Mubarak, who has been in power for three decennaries.

January 25: A On a national vacation to mark the constabulary forces, Egyptians take to the streets in big Numberss, naming it a “ twenty-four hours of fury ” .

January 26: A Police usage tear gas, H2O cannons and wands to scatter dissenters in Cairo. Witnesss say that unrecorded ammo is besides fired into the air.

January 27: Protests continue across several metropoliss. Hundreds have been arrested, but the dissenters say they will non give up until their demand is met.

JanuaryA 28: A Internet and nomadic phone text message users in Egypt study major break to services as the state prepares for a new moving ridge of protests after Friday supplications.

January 29: A In a address delivered shortly after midnight, Mubarak announces that he has sacked the cabinet, but he himself refuses to step down. His whereabouts are unknown.

January 30: A Thousands of dissenters remain in Cairo ‘s Tahrir Square.

JanuaryA 31: A Mubarak still refuses to step down, amid turning calls for his surrender. Dissenters continue to withstand the military-imposed curfew. About 250,000 peopleA gather in Cairo ‘s Tahrir Square and 100s march through Alexandria. Internet entree across Egypt is still cheapjack harmonizing to most studies.

February 1: A Hosni Mubarak announces in a televised reference that he will non run for re-election but refuses to step down from office – the cardinal demand of the dissenters.

February 2: Preparations begin for another twenty-four hours of presentations against President Hosni Mubarak ‘s government. The ground forces is still deployed with armored combat vehicles throughout different places in and around Tahrir Square.

February 3: Explosions of heavy gunshots early aimed at anti-government demonstrators in Tahrir [ Liberation ] Square, leave at least five people dead and several more hurt, harmonizing to studies from Cairo.

February 4: Hundreds of 1000s of anti-government dissenters gather in Cairo ‘s Tahrir Square for what they have termedA theA ” Day of Departure ” .

February 5: A Thousands who remainA inside Tahrir Square fear an approaching effort by the military to evacuate the square.

February 6: Protests continue in Tahrir Square ; there are studies of gunfires fired by the ground forces into the air near the cordon set up inside the roadblocks, near the Egyptian museum.

February 7: Thousands are bivouacing out in Tahrir Square, declining to stir. While Bankss have reopened, schools and the stock exchange remain closed.

Wael Ghonim, a Google executive and political militant arrested by province governments, is released ; some see him as a possible front man for the pro-democracy cantonment.

February 8: Dissenters continue to garner at Tahrir Square, whichA now resembles a tented cantonment. Dissenters in the capital besides gather to protest outside parliament.

February 9: Labor brotherhoods join dissenters in the street, with some of them naming for Mubarak to step down while others merely name for better wage. Massive work stoppages start turn overing throughout the state.

February 10: Dissenters inA Tahrir Square react with rage when MubarakA says he ‘s remainingA in power until September. Dissenters wave their places in the air, and demand the ground forces fall in them in rebellion.

February 11: A After 10s of 1000s people take to the streets across Egypt in angryA protests, Hosni Mubarak resigns as president and hands over power to the ground forces.

February 12: Peoples celebrate in Tahrir Square until early forenoon. Pro-democracy dissenters start to clean the square.

Beginning: Al Jazeera and bureaus

1.1. Introduction

In this gap chapter, I will supply a reappraisal of the relevant literature and define basic constructs such as communicating revolution, power, societal alteration and revolution, societal webs ( Twitter ) , and depict the two analytical attacks to be used in this research ( Critical ) Discourse Analysis and Systemic Functional Linguistics.

1.2. Communication revolution

Revolutions have ever been societal and involved media. In the American Revolution, Thomas Paine ‘s booklet “ Common Sense, ” published in 1776, stimulated the settlers and became the most-read publication. It was besides societal, with readings in tap houses and java stores. John Adams, the American president, subsequently said: “ Without the pen of the writer of ‘Common Sense, ‘ the blade of Washington would hold been raised in vain. ” ( Cited in Harmer,2006. p.34 ) .

The use of nomadic phones, societal networking web sites in protests in the Middle East and North Africa ( MENA ) part was non wholly unprecedented. Chirrup, the newest social-networking tool, has been identified with two mass protests – in Moldova in April 2009 and in Iran in June 2009, when 1000s of people took to the streets to oppose the official consequences of the presidential election. After the elections, some observers went so far as to asseverate that these protests merited the label “ Twitter Revolution ” due to the built-in function played by the micro-blogging site. ( Solow-Niederman, 2010 ) . Back to 2001, the popular ouster of President Joseph Estrada in the Philippines has been referred to as an “ SMS Revolution ” due to the widespread usage of text messages which mobilized dissenters to demand the remotion of Estrada. These events were described at the clip by a plan officer at the United Nations University as “ the universe ‘s first e-revolution ” – a alteration of authorities brought approximately by new signifiers of ICTs ( Information and Communication Technologies ) ” ( Comninos, 2011 ) .

Therefore the universe stands at the threshold of a new age, an age pregnant with great promise every bit good as new struggles. A revolution is brushing over the universe that is every bit important as any that has gone earlier in human history. A revolution in engineering that manipulates and communicates information is driving cardinal alteration upon the universe – an information revolution. But merely what is an information revolution?

The bosom of the revolution is the ability to pass on and have information in ways ne’er before possible. It is the rapid, widespread entree to information brought on by the power of information engineering that is doing the cardinal alterations in human society.

Time ‘s Steve Johnson ( 2009 ) calls the ability to portion information on Twitter revolutionary- it ‘s easy and accessible to the multitudes and opens the conversation to populations that might otherwise be left out of political decision-making. The New Media is wrestling power and control of information from the elites who used to command aggregate media. The control and airing of information is now in the custodies of bloggers, podcasters, and Tweeters.

1.3. Power

The word power is derived from the Latin word potere, which means “ to be able. ” This root significance focuses on power as a general capacity-we all have the possible to determine our lives and the universe around us. However, based on most peoples ‘ experiences with economic and political establishments, power has more to make with “ control, influence or authorization over others. ”

Harmonizing to Castells ( 2009, p.10 ) ,

Power is the relational capacity that enables a societal histrion to act upon unsymmetrically the determinations of other societal histrion ( s ) in ways that favor the sceptered histrion ‘s will, involvements, and values. Power is exercised by agencies of coercion ( or the possibility of it ) and/or by the building of intending on the footing of the discourses through which societal histrions guide their action.

Castells ( 2007 ) introduced the construct of counter-power “ By counter-power I understand the capacity by societal histrions to dispute and finally alter the power dealingss institutionalized in society ” . Peoples need to dispute the dominant worldview and border their issues to reflect their broader ends for societal alteration.

Toffler ( 1990 ) claims that we are sing a planetary “ power displacement ” which is a deep degree alteration in the nature of power. In short, Toffler states that cognition is going the “ ultimate replacement, ” replacing the more traditional signifiers of power. Knowledge is a replacement for force, wealth, labour, energy, infinite, and clip. Indeed, “ Knowledge is the Southern Cross of tomorrow ‘s global battle for power. ” ( 1990, p. 20 )

Other authors, such as Nye ( 1990 ) , have noted that power is being transformed from the more traditional ‘hard ‘ power ( i.e. military and economic ) to ‘softer ‘ signifiers of power such as technological and communications capablenesss.

1.4. Social alteration

For new societal motions, the cyberspace provides the indispensable platform for argument. To move on people ‘s head, the cyberspace serves as the militants ‘ most powerful political arm. Harmonizing to Castells ( 2007, p.252 ) “ histrions endeavoring for societal alteration frequently use the Internet platform as a manner to act upon the information docket of mainstream media. ”

Status quo power dealingss are reinforced by the fact that most of us see impotence as portion of mundane life. For most on the job people and historically laden groups, the experience of being shut out of decision-making procedures gets internalized and understood as the ‘natural province ‘ of things. See the undermentioned contemplations on impotence from Rich ( 1984, cited in Power and Social alteration. Grassroots Policy Project. p.4 ) :

When those who have the power to name and to socially build world choose non to see you or hear youaˆ¦.when person with the authorization of a instructor, say, describes the universe and you are non in it, there is a minute of psychic disequilibrium, as if you looked in the mirror and saw nil. It takes some strength of soul-and non merely single strength but corporate understanding-to resist this nothingness, this non-being, into which you are thrust, and to stand up, demanding to be seen and heard.

Social alteration groups forming in diverse communities and workplaces can give people a topographic point to move together, reflect on their actions, engage in corporate analysis, and dispute the dominant relation powers with new thoughts and experiences.

Goldstone ( 2001, p.121 ) defines revolution as:

an attempt to transform the political establishments and the justifications for political authorization in the society, accompanied by formal or informal mass mobilisation and non-institutionalized actions that undermine governments.

Kamrava ( 1990, p.12 ) defines revolution as:

Requir [ ing ] the development of a necessary set of political every bit good as societal conditions. Politically, it is necessary that the powers and the authorization of the opinion elite be significantly weakened by internal or international developments. The resulting failings and exigencies so necessitate to be exploited by specific groups that seek to subvert the bing elite. The society as a whole demands to incarnate some grade of receptiveness to radical alteration. For resistance groups to get popular legitimacy and to pull the support necessary to subvert the government, two societal factors are of import. First, the resistance groups themselves need to hold the appropriate societal agencies to circulate their propaganda and to set up necessary links with the popular classesaˆ¦Second, the popular categories must be dissatisfied with the bing conditions and hence be inclined to back up the resistance groups.

Following this apprehension of revolution, the Arab Revolutions of 2011-2012 easy fall into these definitions. Social and political alterations are the chief purposes of all revolutions in general and of recent revolutions in Middle East and North Africa ( MENA ) in peculiar. To understand the usage of societal media for societal and political alterations I will specify every bit good as present some features and effects of societal media.

1.5. Social media

Social media are platforms for interaction. Social media is the construct of holding an electronic platform where people can interact and hold conversations about a broad assortment of common topics utilizing computing machines. The Social Media Glossary defines:

Social Media are plants of user-created picture, sound, text or multimedia that are published and shared in a societal environment, such as a web log, podcast, forum, wiki or picture hosting site. More loosely, societal media refers to any on-line engineering that lets people publish, converse and portion content online.

The universe is in the thick of a revolution. The new tools of societal media have reinvented societal activism. With Facebook and Twitter and the similar, the traditional relationship between political authorization and popular will hold been upended, doing it easier for the powerless to join forces, co-ordinate, and give voice to their concerns. “ Social media tools are said to give people the ability to link and unify in a crisis, raise consciousness of an issue worldwide, and to assist in taking over autocratic authoritiess. ” ( Sheedy, 2011, p.7 ) .

Social media received attending because of the usage of societal media tools like Facebook, Twitter and Youtube by militants to pass on, program and form their actions. What is the function of societal media in revolutions? Rising of societal media as an issue in international docket and naming of recent revolutions as Social Media Revolutions, Facebook or Twitter revolutions alternatively of People ‘s revolutions have been really incentive.

Social web is an on-line environment to portion, communicate and converse with friends. e.g. Twitter. Twitter, as it is described in its ain web page ( ) , is a real-time information web that connects you to the latest information about what you find interesting. At the bosom of Twitter are little explosions of information called Tweets. Each Tweet is 140 characters in length. Users accumulate followings – those who receive your Tweets – and can take to follow others therefore having their Tweets. Users can answer to friends ‘ Tweets or Retweet them ; that is repost one ‘s ain or person else ‘s Tweet onto one ‘s history wall, ( hence the term micro-blogging ) .

As the site has evolved and has become progressively popular, alone characteristics have been developed ( Ostrow, 2009 ) . A hunt map has been added, every bit good as hashtags ( tickets with a hash symbol – # – in forepart of them added to a Tweet to tag it as related to a peculiar subject ) , which allows users at a peculiar event or those twirping about a distinguishable issue, for illustration, to group their updates and follow swerving subjects in their country. Tweets, for illustration, utilizing the # Jan25, # Egypt or # Tahrir hashtags are grouped with each other on Twitter ‘s site. In this instance, dissenters from across the state can see what other dissenters are stating, continue the conversation by answering to a tweet, or circulate a peculiarly of import tweet to others by retweeting. Early research shows that those who use Twitter have several alone features that make them different from the users of other societal networking sites like Facebook. They are exceptionally mobile- most of those who “ tweet ” or post a position update do so from a nomadic device like a Blackberry or iPhone, enabling them to post updates from anyplace at any clip and look into up on who they follow often ( Solow-Niederman, 2010 ) .

Because Twitter is a tool every bit good as a web site, authorities censoring is more debatable ( Cohen, 2009 ) . A citizen demand non travel to to twirp or to read other users ‘ stations, but instead can post and entree tweets in a assortment of ways that do non affect the Twitter web site. Whereas a web site like Facebook can be shut down, baning Twitter would necessitate separately locating and barricading each user, which is hard.

1.6. ( Critical ) discourse analysis

Discourse is defined by Fairclough ( 1992, p. 63 ) as “ a manner of action, one signifier in which people may move upon the universe and particularly upon each other, every bit good as a manner of representation ” . Fairclough ‘s definition as given above provides two positions. The first positions dianoetic Acts of the Apostless as societal action. The 2nd positions dianoetic Acts of the Apostless as interpreting experience. To get down with the discourse-as-social-action position, Gee ( 1990: 143 ) defines discourse as:

… a socially accepted association among ways of utilizing linguistic communication, of thought, feeling, believing, valuing, and of moving that can be used to place oneself as a member of a socially meaningful group or ‘social web ‘ , or to signal a socially meaningful ‘role ‘ .

Gee ‘s definition foregrounds linguistic communication, but does non restrict discourse to a lingual construct. The other focal point in Gee ‘s definition is societal groups: discourse signifies group rank ( californium. Swales, 1990 ) .

The second of the two positions on discourse is that of representation. Harmonizing to Fairclough ( 1995: 56 ) :

A discourse is the linguistic communication used in stand foring a given societal pattern from a peculiar point of position. … For case, the societal pattern of political relations is otherwise signified in broad, socialist and Marxist political discourses… .

Our experience of the universe is constructed otherwise harmonizing to the societal functions we are playing at any given clip: harmonizing to the societal relationships we are ordaining in discourse.

This indispensable relationship between context and discourse is one of the cardinal dogmas of systemic functional ( SF ) theory ( Halliday 1994 ; Halliday and Hasan 1989 ; Martin 1992 ) .

The two positions on discourse – discourse as societal action and as representation – are inseparable. Discourses are ways of significance by which we act socially, by which we identify ourselves as members of peculiar groups and as playing peculiar societal functions, and in these functions we construct and stand for our experience of the universe in certain ways. In bend, by stand foring experience in certain ways, we identify ourselves as members of certain groups, and as playing peculiar societal functions.

Discourses are societal procedures. The artifacts of these procedures are texts, which embody the exchange and creative activity of interpersonal ( societal action ) and experiential ( representational ) significances negotiated in discourse. For Halliday & A ; Hasan ( 1989: 11 ) :

A text, so, is both an object in its ain right… and an case – an case of societal significance in a peculiar context of state of affairs. It is a merchandise of its environment, a merchandise of a uninterrupted procedure of picks… .

Critical Discourse Analysis ( henceforth CDA ) “ is the denudation of inexplicit political orientations in texts. It unveils the implicit in ideological biass and therefore the exercising of power in texts ” ( Widdowson, 2000 ) . It is an effort to critically analyse the relationship between linguistic communication, political orientation, and society. As Van Dijk ( 1993 ) puts it, “ critical discourse analysts want to understand, expose, and defy societal inequality. ”

Fairclough ( 1995: 132-3 ) defines CDA as follows:

By critical discourse analysis I mean discourse analysis which aims to consistently research frequently opaque relationships of causality and finding between ( a ) discursive patterns, events and texts, and ( B ) wider societal and cultural constructions, dealingss and procedures ; to look into how such patterns, events and texts originate out of and are ideologically shaped by dealingss of power and struggles over power ; and to research how the opacity of these relationships between discourse and society is itself a factor procuring power and hegemony.

The roots of CDA are in critical theory which is tied up with Frankfurt School of Social Research. “ Critical theory is defined as a research position, which has fundamentally a critical attitude towards society ” ( Langer, 1998, p.3 ) . More specifically, it is used to mention to “ any theory concerned with review of political orientation and the effects of domination ” ( Fairclough, 1995, p.20 ) . In the 1970s a group of linguists and literary theoreticians at the University of East Anglia developed the thought of critical linguistics. Their attack was based on M.A.K Halliday ‘s Systemic functional linguistics.

1.7. Systemic Functional linguistics

Systemic Functional Linguistics ( henceforth SFL ) , besides referred to as Systemic Functional Grammar, systemics or systemic linguistics ( White, 2000 ) can be used to detail the grammar of linguistic communication as used within societal state of affairss. It is grammar that explores how linguistic communication and context are linked together through significance. Eggins ( 2005: 21 ) provinces that:

aˆ¦ what is typical to systemic linguistics is that it seeks to develop both a theory approximately linguistic communication as societal procedure and an analytical methodological analysis which permits the elaborate and systematic description of linguistic communication forms.

The systematic description of linguistic communication forms describes the maps or significances of linguistic communication through the usage of three meta-functions. The three meta-functions within SFL- experiential ( conceptional ) , interpersonal and textual – are utilised to research the constructions of give voicing within context and forms ( White, 2000: 3 ) . These maps operate at the same time within the linguistic communication to recognize significance. The experiential meta-function uses linguistic communication to denote experience, the interpersonal meta-function uses linguistic communication to depict interaction and to convey attitudes and the textual meta-function uses linguistic communication to form experiential and interpersonal significances into a additive and consistent whole ( Butt et al. , 2003: 6 ) .

Figure 1.1: Meta-functional dealingss between text and context in SFL

( Halliday, 2002/ [ 1979 ] ; Martin, 1992 ) .

These three meta-functions map onto the three variables in the context of state of affairs ( field, tenor, manner ) , so that the field of discourse in the context of state of affairs is expressed by the conceptional meta-function in linguistic communication ; the tenor of discourse in the context of state of affairs is expressed by the interpersonal meta-function in linguistic communication ; and the manner of discourse in the context of state of affairs is expressed by the textual meta-function in linguistic communication ( Figure 1.1. ) .

Language has evolved in such a manner that these three meta-functions are expressed at the same time. That is, the different constructions recognizing meta-functional significance map onto one another, both in clause construction ( Halliday & A ; Matthiessen, 2004 ) and discourse construction ( Martin, 1992 ) .

Cultural minority groups along the boundary line

are airing

malicious messages about the authorities



Procedure: behavioural

Scope: Verbiage











Table 1.1: Meta-functional lexico-grammatical significance in an English clause.

Halliday ‘s systemic-functional theoretical account has been widely adopted by discourse analysts because his categorizations of different parts of clauses say something cardinal about the map, or even the intent behind the organizing of clauses and sentences. Halliday ‘s systemic-functional theory is widely adopted by research workers look intoing linguistic communication from a critical position, who desire to derive penetration on the picks of significance shapers and on how linguistic communication maps socially.

SFL is non considered a set of regulations for linguistic communication, but instead a set of resources for “ describing, construing and doing significance ” ( Butt et al, 2003: 3 ) .

new wave Leeuwen ( 2005 ) describes how he and others who study semiotic systems other than linguistic communication have built on the work of Halliday ( 1987: 192 ) :

who argued that the grammar of a linguistic communication is non code, non a set of regulations for bring forthing right sentences, but ‘a resource for doing significances ‘ .

Halliday ‘s analyses are largely concerned with the clause degree of linguistic communication, which ranks above morpheme, word and phrase/group degree. Halliday ( 2004: 10 ) claims that:

The clause is the cardinal processing unit in the lexico-grammar – ( aˆ¦ ) it is in the clause that significances of different sorts are mapped into an incorporate grammatical construction.

Halliday sees the clause as a composite entity dwelling of three dimensions of construction, or meta-functions.

Systemic Functional Linguistics is a contextual and societal theory of linguistic communication. It views linguistic communication from a functional position, and every bit of import is its systemic position. Halliday ( 2002/ [ 1979 ] : 217 ) notes:

Systemic theory takes the system, non the construction, as the footing of the description of a linguistic communication, and so is able to demo how… types of construction map as alternate manners of the realisation of systemic options.

Systemic-functional linguistics ( SFL ) , developed by Michael Halliday ( 1978, 1994 ) will be adopted in this research paper to look into Twitter discourse from a critical position – Egyptian revolution as a instance survey.

Using a systemic attack, this paper will research and analyse the mode system- the talker ‘s attitude towards the truth of a proposition expressed in a sentence- the temper system, and the individual system in the Egyptian revolution tweets ( # Jan25 ) during a period of 19 yearss from Jan 25, 2011 through Feb 9, 2011.

1.7.1. Modality

Mutual opposition is a pick between yes and no. But these are non the lone possibilities ; there are intermediate grades, such as ‘sometimes ‘ or ‘maybe ‘ . These intermediate grades, between the positive and negative poles, are known jointly as MODALITY ( Halliday, 1994 ) .What the mode system does is to interpret the part of uncertainness that lies between ‘yes ‘ and ‘no ‘ .

Modality refers loosely to a talker ‘s attitude towards, or sentiment about, the truth of a proposition expressed by a sentence. It besides extends to their attitude towards the state of affairs or event described by a sentence. Modality is hence a major advocate of the interpersonal map of linguistic communication. ( Simpson,1993 ) .

Within the Interpersonal meta-function the societal character and relationship of functional components within the texts can be discerned through an scrutiny of a text ‘s mode. Halliday ( 2001: 182 ) provinces that:

Modalities in language-expressions of chance, duty and the like- are the grammar ‘s manner of showing the talker ‘s or author ‘s judgement, without doing the first individual ‘I ‘ explicitaˆ¦Modalities ne’er express the judgement of some 3rd party.

Let us analyze how the impression of mode is understood within the model of Halliday ‘s systemic functional grammar. In this model, linguistic communication is seen as “ a societal procedure that contributes to the realisation of different societal contexts ” through three contextual dimensions of field ( what is talked about ) , tenor ( the relationship between speaker/hearer ) , and manner ( outlooks for how peculiar text types should be organized ) ( Schleppegrell, 2004, p. 46 ) . The three contextual variables of field, tenor, and manners are therefore realized through conceptional, interpersonal, and textual resources and picks of linguistic communication, severally.

Modality belongs to the interpersonal meta-function that basically regards clauses and other lingual units as “ exchanges ” of propositions and proposals, whereby a proposition involves an exchange of information and a proposal involves an exchange of “ goods-and-services ” ( Halliday & A ; Matthiessen, 2004, p. 146-147 ) . When we exchange information as a proposition, we are basically reasoning whether something is ( affirmatory ) or is non ( negative ) , but in between these two extremes are besides intermediate places that can be realized through what systemic linguists call “ modalization ” , which is one half of the overall construct of mode ( Eggins, 1994, pp. 178-179 ) . Modalization is, in other words, a lingual “ resource for showing propositions non-categorically ” ( Schleppegrell, 2004, p. 60 ) , enabling the look of grades of chance and usuality. Likewise, mode can besides be recruited to reason about the duty or disposition of proposals ( Eggins, 1994, p. 179 ) . Modality options in short “ interpret the country of significance that lies between yes and no – the intermediate land between positive and negative mutual opposition ” ( Hasan & A ; Perrett, 1994, p. 209 ) .

Modalization therefore enables the look of the talker ‘s non-categorical attitude toward propositions through such lexico-grammatical resources as average verbs ( can/could, may/might, shall/should, must, etc. ) , adjectives ( possible, certain, likely, inevitable, etc. ) , adverbs ( likely, probably, possibly, seldom, etc. ) , nouns ( likeliness, possibility, chance, etc. ) , and other devices ( in my sentiment, in all likeliness, it seems thataˆ¦ , etc. ) .

Transition can likewise be realized to show the talker ‘s sense of duty or disposition toward proposals through a broad scope of lingual resources, including average verbs ( must, should, ought to, etc. ) , adjectives ( compulsory, compulsory, willing, etc. ) , adverbs ( needfully, volitionally, etc. ) , and other signifiers ( be required to, be inclined to, etc. ) .

1.7.2. Value of Modality

In footings of its value, that is the degree or grade of its chance of executing or its distance to the positive or negative polar, the assorted types of mode: chance, usuality, duty and disposition divide into one with either ( H ) igh, ( M ) edium or ( L ) ow value. A mode of H value is near the positive polar, which is the most likely one to be executed, whereas that of L is near the negative polar, which is the least likely mode to be done. A mode of M is intermediate or in-between in the continuum, which lies between the two poles. The tabular array below nowadayss mode and the values.


Positive Polar











Must be



Must make




Will be



Will make




May be



May make


Is non

Do non

Negative Polar

Table 1.2: Modality and the Valuess

Modality every bit presented in the tabular array above are significances which may be coded in

assorted lingual units. The significances are samples of mode. This is to state that a significance may be coded by more than one lingual units.

1.7.3. Modality Analysis

Modality is an facet of interpersonal significance. Therefore, in analysing a text for mode the analysis is at the same time done with the analysis of interpersonal map. The analysis of mode specifies the type, value and orientation. To represent a clause Ali ever comes late to school is analyzed as in the undermentioned constellation.

Cassius clay





To school












Table 1.3: Modality analysis of a clause

1.8. Decision

From a CDA position, linguistic communication does non possess power per Se. It takes its power from the powerful people who make usage of it. This is the really ground why, in a bulk of instances, critical linguists pick the position of disadvantaged people and set out to analyse linguistic communication critically, because those who are in power are responsible of the societal inequalities ( Van Dijk,1993 ) . Power does non deduce from linguistic communication ; instead linguistic communication is used to contend against power.

It is in this context that this thesis examines the Twitter hashtag ( # Jan25 ) , and efforts to depict to what extent Chirrup has truly influenced the Egyptian rebellion. To look into this inquiry, tools from Systemic Functional Grammar and Critical Discourse Analysis are used to analyse the Mood, Modal aide, and Person systems of the Egyptian revolution Tweets. This will be dealt with in the practical portion of this thesis.

2.1. Introduction

This chapter presents the methodological facet of the present survey. It consists of the purposes of the survey, research design, informations aggregation, and informations analysis from the micro-level ( Hallidayan position ) to the macro-level ( Fairclough position ) every bit good as the treatment of the consequences.

2.2. Purposes of the survey

The survey aims at happening the reply to the inquiry ( s ) that is/are formulated as follows:

Can Twitter be considered as a ” radical tool ” in the Arab spring? Egypt as a instance survey.

Can the ‘Egyptian Revolution ‘ be labeled ‘Twitter Revolution ‘ ?

Using the Egyptian revolution as the empirical scene, two sets of inquiries are formulated from two different positions:

SFL inquiries: what type of Mood is largely employed? who are the participants? what are the attitudes, sentiments and opinions in these tweets?

CDA inquiries: who has the power? How do the attitudes and sentiments reinforce the feeling of power?

The replies to these inquiries help inform the ultimate research inquiry.

The current survey purposes to partly bridge the spread by uniting methods and analytical models from Critical Discourse Analysis ( CDA ) and Systemic Functional Linguistics ( SFL ) to analyse a dataset from the # Jan25 hashtag ‘s tweets.

During the period of the Egyptian rebellion, entree to mainstream media was chiefly blocked, entree to the cyberspace was besides restricted and finally unaccessible. Chirrup was, therefore, the lone platform which communicated interrupting intelligence invariably and in existent clip.

It is because of this ability that platforms such as Twitter need to be analyzed and examined. The aim of this survey was to find the impact or the function of this societal networking platform during the Egyptian revolution on people.

2.3. Research design

The survey employs Halliday ‘s Systemic Functional Grammar model along with Fairclough ‘s Critical Discourse Analysis to map the significance of the selected characteristics in the discourse of the tweets of the # Jan25 hashtag during the Egyptian revolution 2011.

Using a systemic attack every bit good as a CDA attack, this paper will research and analyse the mode system- the talker ‘s attitude towards the truth of a proposition expressed in a sentence- every bit good as the temper and the individual system in the Twitter discourse of the # Jan25 ticket and see if these interpersonal characteristics as lingual tools can direct and command the behaviour of the people and concept societal dealingss. This survey aims to supply more grounds about how each of these tools has something to lend to the survey of Twitter discourse.

The attacks adopted in this paper will detect Twitter informations from the micro-level to the macro-level, both of which offer utile schemes for analysing how linguistic communication works in its societal contexts.

2.4. Datas aggregation

I collected a dataset of tweets, retrieved from the cyberspace, covering the Egyptian rebellion from the # Jan25 hashtag – one of the most popular ticket used during this period of convulsion. The ticket besides featured in a bulk of tweets cross-posted to other often used tickets, such as # Egypt or # Tahrir.

The dataset consists of Twenty-four ( 24 ) yearss of Twitter messages ( from January 22nd to February 12th, 2011 ) from a subset of Egyptian Twitter-users ( # Jan25 ) . The entire size is 130 messages, dwelling of regular tweets, retweets, and answers.

2.5. Datas analysis

This subdivision includes the analysis of our informations at both the micro-level ( clause ) to the macro-level ( sentence or beyond ) . Before this, it is of import to travel through the discourse markers of hashtag and retweet on Twitter..

2.5.1. Hashtagging analysis

The most popular hashtag was # Jan25. Other related hashtags besides used were # Egypt and # Tahrir. For the intent of this survey, we limited our range to the hashtag about the Egyptian revolution # Jan25.

Hashtags, symbolized by the # character, are used by Twitterers to group tweets by subject countries. The intent of hashtags is non merely to pull attending to chief subjects but they carry the intension of acquaintance with the subject of the ticket every bit good. Hashtags are politically of import because all tweets that include a peculiar hashtag appear together on Twitter site. For illustration, the undermentioned tweet contains the ticket ‘ # Egypt ‘ bespeaking the capable affair of the tweet:

Pray for # Egypt: really worried as it seems that authorities is be aftering a war offense tomorrow against people. We are all ready to decease.

2.5.2. Retweeting analysis

A Retweet is any message that contains the twine “ RT @ moniker ” . Retweets act as a signifier of indorsement, leting persons to rerun content generated by other users. Therefore, the content visibleness is raised. Dissenters from across the state can see what other dissenters are stating, continue the conversation by answering to a tweet, or circulate a peculiar tweet by retweeting. In most cases the RT will be followed by the @ username to ‘source ‘ the retweet:

Interesting RT @ xxxx: I hear the cyberspace in Egypt might be down tomorrow. Is this true?

What is in a tweet?

A answer starts with “ @ user ” .

A reference contains “ @ user ” .

A retweet has “ RT @ … ” or “ via @ … ” plus username.

A nexus ( URL shortener- hypertext transfer protocol: //

A hashtag ( # ) .

A regular tweet ( merely text ) .

Retweeting is a common pattern particularly among Twitter-users concerned with political subjects. While the bulk of retweets are direct transcripts of the original tweets ( quotation marks ) , there are some retweets that contain remarks.

2.5.3. Micro-level ( lexico-grammar )

At the micro-level analysis, the Hallidayan position is utilised: analysis of temper, analysis of average subsidiary, and analysis of pronoun system are categorized in this range. Temper analysis

When we interact, we use linguistic communication to convey multiple maps such as: apology, order, ailment, invitation, verification and so on. Harmonizing to Halliday ( 2000 ) , most of the cardinal intents in any interaction are giving and demanding a trade good of some sort.

Halliday ( 2000 ) classified two sorts of trade good, which he labeled as “ information ” and “ goods-service ” and so for address functions as shown in the tabular array below:

Commodity function









Table 2.1: Basic Address Roles ( Halliday, 2000 )

By and large talking, statements are most of course expressed by declaratory clauses, inquiries are expressed by interrogative clauses, and bids are expressed by imperative clauses.

In functional grammar, the topic and finite make up the temper. The undermentioned diagram represents the temper system:

Major clause

Imperative Indicative

Declarative Interrogative

Yes/No Wh.

The talker chooses from the temper system of a linguistic communication to encode his/her message and attitude in a given discourse. Lipson ( 2002 ) contends that the temper an writer chooses plays a important function in decrypting his/her statement or contention.

The clauses in the informations are mostly declaratory in construction. Among the 361 clauses in the whole dataset, 324 ( 90 % ) are Indicative whereas 37 ( 10 % ) are Imperative. Within the Indicative type system, “ indicative mood ” has 307 happenings, representing ( 95 % ) whereas “ interrogative ” has merely 17 happenings, representing ( 05 % ) . ( see Figure 1 below ) .

Statements, so, outnumber the other temper constructions. They communicate information about the subject discussed in the Twitter platform. The context calls for sharing of information through tweeting, mentioning, and retweeting.

Figure 2.1: Temper constructions Modal subsidiary analysis

The usage of average aide is another characteristic found in our dataset. It is used to press dissenters to take action ( 1 ) and ( 2 ) .

( 1 ) “ dissenters insist they will non go forth ” .

( 2 ) “ … 1000000s will protest tomorrow against government. ”

Harmonizing to Freeborn ( 1995, p.163 ) “ Modality enables us to mention non to facts, but to the possibility or impossibleness of something occurrence, its necessity, certainty and whether the action is permitted ” .

Halliday ( 2000 ) positions that through mode, the talker takes up a place and signals the position and cogency of his or her ain opinions. If the trade good being exchanged is information, the clauses are labeled as proposition and mode looks are termed as modalization which refers to the cogency of proposition in footings of chance and usuality.

If the trade good is goods and service, mode looks are defined as proposals and are termed as transition which reflects how confident the talker can be in the eventual success of the exchange in footings of duty and disposition.

There are many ways to recognize mode, including average aides, adverbs, and mental-process verbs.

Table 2.2. presents the frequence of average subsidiary found in our informations:

Modal aide


Will non



Ca n’t













Table 2.2: The Frequency of Modal Auxiliary

Figure 2.2: Frequency and per centum of Modal Auxiliary.

From the above tabular array, we can detect that “ will ” is the most often used modal aide. It is chiefly used to supply information about future events based on the talker ‘s belief and perceptual experience. The usage of “ will ” uncover the talker ‘s positions towards the hereafter ( 3 ) and ( 4 ) as in

( 3 ) “ anger bomb will detonate in egypt any minute ” .

( 4 ) “ our kids will analyze the history we ‘re doing ” .

The other average aides like “ will non ” and “ should ” are less frequent. “ would ” and “ ca n’t ” are besides found in the Twitter text of the informations under survey.

Halliday ( 1994. p,357 ) views that “ transition refers to the semantic class of proposals ; but all modes are realized as declarative ( that is as if they were propositions ) . Therefore imperative “ travel place ” , when modulated, becomes declarative “ you must travel place! “ .

The two clauses ( 5 ) and ( 6 ) turn toing the Chirrup users

( 5 ) “ spread this exposure ” and

( 6 ) “ spread the hope ” ,

when modulated become

“ you must distribute the exposure ” ,

“ you must distribute the hope ” severally.

Duty “ must ” is besides understood implicitly in the above declarative moods.

The other two clauses, addressed to Moubarak,

( 7 ) “ halt resisting ” and

( 8 ) “ come to Saudia ”

show the talker ‘s opinion of duty. When modulated, the clauses become declarative moods:

“ you must halt resisting ” and

“ you must come to Saudia ” .

Since modals represent some grade of uncertainness, a non- modalized clause will be considered stronger than a clause with a modal. From this position, the absence of expressed mode does show the talker ‘s highest grades of certainty and / or duty.

Under the deontic system, three mode values, reflecting the grades of duty, are captured by Halliday ( 1985, p.337 ) . The undermentioned vocalizations are illustrations:

The Scales of Deontic Modality ( Degrees of Obligation )

You may, can go forth low

You should go forth median

You must, will go forth high

Leave bid

The lower the talker ‘s grade of duty, the weaker degree of authorization s/he shows and frailty versa.





I can experience it once more.

We should subject entreaties to lawyer general.

The large foreman got to travel.

Take a expression on Egypt.

I hear the cyberspace might be down tomorrow.

This should be turned into a memorial.

Our self-respect will be back.

Raise your caput.

Table 2.3: Representing Tweets place on a graduated table of duty Pronoun system analysis

Crystal ( 1995 ) defines a personal pronoun as a grammatical signifier mentioning straight to the talker ( first pronoun ) , addressee ( 2nd pronoun ) , or others involved in an interaction ( 3rd individual ) . ( Third individual is beyond the range of this survey ) .

Personal pronouns are related to the relationship of power and solidarity. Throughout the informations, the Twitter-users utilised personal pronouns. First and 2nd individual pronouns, together with their object signifiers, have been selected because “ they define the state of affairs interpersonally ” ( Koubali, 2007 ) .

Table 2.4 presents the frequence of pronouns included in the informations:






United states







Table 2.4: The Frequency of Personal Pronouns

Figure 2.3: Frequency and per centum of personal pronouns.

Table 2.4 and figure 2.3 show that the pronouns “ I ” ( 33 % ) , “ you ” ( 30 % ) , and “ we ” ( 20 % ) are used to a greater extent than the other pronouns. They show that the Twitter-users may or may non be involved in the interaction.

“ I ” is used as a persuasive device to give a personal touch to the tweets. “ I ” is employed to demo that the users are perpetrating themselves to their beliefs and will pattern what they preach. They will be responsible for their actions.

( 9 ) “ I ‘m in the streets ” ,

( 10 ) “ I ca n’t allow this feeling travel off once more ” .

The first remarkable pronoun is largely used to give information:

( 11 ) “ I hear the cyberspace in Egypt might be down tomorrow ” ,

( 12 ) “ I ca n’t type ” .

The individual system can reflect the interaction effects and uncover how information is exchanged in Twitter discourse.

The 2nd most often happening pronoun is “ you ” . It is used as a signifier of direct reference by the writers. It is an effort to affect the addressees and do them active parts.

( 13 ) “ why are you traveling down the street? ? ” ,

( 14 ) “ if you do n’t cognize… take a expression on Egypt ” .

The first individual plural pronoun “ we ” has both significance of inclusion and exclusion. It is the 3rd most often used pronoun in our informations. It is used as a persuasive device to reflect joint duty. Since inclusive “ we ” refers to the talker and the hearer ( s ) /followers, we can state that the user is talking on behalf of the addressee. Here “ we ” may be used to carry the followings and promote solidarity.

The inclusive “ we ” sometimes refers to dissenters ( 15 ) and ( 16 ) or to all Egyptians ( 17 ) :

( 15 ) “ We got viciously beaten up by constabulary ” .

( 16 ) “ We are all ready to decease ” .

( 17 ) “ We ‘ve been promised he ‘ll be released shortly ” . ( ‘he ‘ refers to Khaled Saeed ” ) .

Whereas the sole “ we ” , in which the Twitter-user is non included, refers to soldiers ( 18 ) :

( 18 ) “ More than one individual in ground forces told us non to be afraid. We ‘ll protect you ” .

2.5.4. Macro-level ( beyond sentence )

Halliday ( 1985, 20 ) explains that “ [ tungsten ] hereas in its experiential significance linguistic communication is a manner of reflecting, in its interpersonal significance linguistic communication is a manner of moving ” . Now the focal point of discourse analysis will be on how the Twitter-users interact with each other through Mood system, Modal subsidiary system, and Person system. Temper analysis

In footings of the temper, most of the clauses in our informations are construed in declaratory temper. The writers use this type of temper for the intent of supplying information to carry the followings. There are, nevertheless, interrogative clauses every bit good as imperative clauses throughout the informations.

Temper is besides important for designation. Harmonizing to Fairclough ( 2003. P, 166 ) :

“ Experts, for illustration, who overpoweringly use declaratory clauses to do statements place themselves otherwise from experts who use interrogative clauses to inquire inquiries ” . Modal subsidiary analysis

Our dataset begins with a proposition that something or person is compulsory ( got to ) .

( 19 ) “ The large foreman got to travel ”

The large foreman here refers to Hosni Mubarak. It is mandatory for Mubarak to go forth the state. This proposition could non hold been produced before 2011 in Egypt. In Egypt and other states, where freedom of look and the media have been restricted, this proposition is largely important as new media make it harder to hush resistance voices. This text shows an consciousness on the portion of the users that there is now a new societal platform called Twitter where users can post their tweets and retweet. This hypothesis provides the footing for our research inquiry: Can Chitter be considered as ‘a radical tool ‘ in the Egyptian revolution?

This proposition ( 19 ) is followed by general averments about Egypt, which move from unmodalized ( are ) as in

( 20 ) “ We ‘re all Khaled Saeed ”

to modalized ( will, might ) propositions like

( 21 ) “ anger bomb will detonate in egypt any minute ” and

( 22 ) “ I hear the cyberspace in Egypt might be down tomorrow ” .

This sequence is terminated by the Twitter-user, who shifts the orientation off from the national concern ( Egypt ) to the personal concern ( haircut ) because the Egyptians ‘ end is achieved. Mubarak left the state.

( 23 ) “ It ‘s clip for a haircut ” .

Statistically talking, non-modalized vocalizations outnumber modalized 1s, and this high degree of frequence could reflect an interpretive position of the tweets as straightforward and forceful 1s. Most utterances communicate a high degree of duty ( in what will go on to Mubarak and Egypt, how Egyptian ‘s aims will be achieved ) .

It is the power of the twitter-users who believe in the rightness of their cause and in their attitudes and opinions of what is right and incorrect.

However, it is indispensable to nail that the impression of mode in Arabic is different from that of English ( the retrieved tweets were translated from Arabic to English ) .

Because of the mismatch between the average systems in English and Arabic in the first topographic point, and the diarrhea of interpreting modalized looks does in consequence present two different ideological places in the texts analysed ( Badran, 2001 ) . This mismatch adds to the complexness of interpreting average looks and increases the hazard of misunderstanding. Pronoun system analysis

Personal pronouns are multifunctional, or to borrow Davidson ‘s ( 1996 ) words, they give “ matter-of-fact weight ” to the vocalization, and this ‘weight ‘ derives from the fact that utterances incorporating personal pronouns are more personal and filled with emotion.

The pronoun switch from “ you ” to “ I ” is an of import dianoetic characteristic: the discourse moves from general claims to the user ‘s peculiar sense.

The usage of “ we ” is surely manipulated for solidarity ‘s interest. It is employed to put group or squad spirit and to make full the address with ideological content. ( Wilson,1990 ) . The usage of the inclusive “ we ” may intend that the user is non entirely ; others portion the same sentiment. The prevalence of the pronoun “ we ” may propose a common denominator among the Twitter-users whose shared bond is Egypt.

Additionally, the users included inside their tweets gags ( 24 ) and Twitter slang ( 25 ) like:

( 24 ) “ Uninstalling dictator COMPLETE – installation now: Egypt 2.0: … … 100 % # egypt # Jan25 # tahrir ” .

( 25 ) “ Could all the province undercover agents who followed us on chirrup last two hebdomads please unfollow. Thanks. # Jan25 ” .

2.6. Discussion of Consequences

This subdivision reports the consequences of a systemic functional analysis and a critical discourse analysis of the hashtag # Jan25 tweets during the Egyptian rebellion. A elaborate treatment of the findings is presented below.

Back to the research inquiry steering this survey: can Chitter be considered as ‘a radical tool ‘ in the Egyptian rebellion? The reply seems a echoing ‘NO ‘ . It takes more to throw a strong government.

The words ‘revolution ‘ and ‘revolutionary ‘ have been related to the Arab rebellions. Chirrup likely is non radical. As Wise mentioned in his interview: “ Your Chirrup history does n’t do you. You and where you are professionally makes your Twitter history ” . Twitter the service is a tool in the custodies of the users. Keeping ‘followers ‘ more informed is what Twitter has likely merely done. Twitter, as a signifier of interpersonal communicating, provided an on-going watercourse of events in existent clip throughout the Egyptian convulsion. Indeed, Twitter was a intelligence propagator during that period. Circulating information is easier on Twitter because of its characteristics such as retweeting, mentioning, sharing links, and hashtags.

The hypothesis adopted emphasiss that Twitter is so a radical tool ; but every bit far as the function of Twitter during the Arab Spring is concerned, it was merely a agencies to distribute the word, a agencies to circulate information. It is because of this ability that some of the Arab revolutions have been below the belt labeled “ Twitter Revolutions ” . This label itself is infused with political orientation. It shows the hegemony of the West over the East because Twitter is a Western technological merchandise. Actually, there are many non-digital factors that could do a revolution happen. The tools of revolutions were the people who created the events non the societal webs. Technology entirely does non do revolutions. The will of the people and their preparedness to decease are the most critical ingredients.

( 26 ) “ We are all ready to decease ” .

The causes of the protests involve a combination of non-technological ingredients including: decennaries of repression, political and economic marginalisation, unemployment, authorities corruptness, and hapless life conditions.

( 27 ) “ 45 % of Egyptians live under poorness line with less than a dollar a twenty-four hours ” .

As Schuler ( 2008, p.5 ) states in his book “ Possibly people had eventually reached their boiling point ” so that it would be barely impossible to hush the laden and the exploited voices.

As for the content of tweets, surveies have shown that “ what you ‘re stating comparative to the bing conversation is what truly affairs in distributing cognition online. “ ( Keller, 2012 ) . The most influential tweets are the 1s that are relevant to bing conversation of the people. “ What makes a difference is holding the right message for the right people ” . ( Keller, 2012 ) . So, the clip was mature and the people were ready for a political change- to subvert the government.

Tweets are intended to inform every bit good as persuade and reenforce a certain political orientation. Indeed, the temper choice- largely declaratory, the individual system- indicates the nature of the participants in state of affairs, and the average auxiliaries- express the writer ‘s opinions and attitudes, helped give the tweets some relevancy to the bing conversation of the people.

As mentioned in the first chapter of this paper, kamrava ( 1990, p.12 ) , in his definition of revolution, states that

… to subvert the government, two societal factors are of import. First, the resistance groups themselves need to hold the appropriate societal agencies to circulate their propaganda and to set up necessary links with the popular classesaˆ¦Second, the popular categories must be dissatisfied with the bing conditions and hence be inclined to back up the resistance groups.

From the above quotation mark, we can state that people are the tools of revolution: the resistance groups every bit good as the disgruntled popular categories ( the multitudes ) . And a societal medium is needed for the two groups to link. The human factor is, hence, of paramount importance in this instance instead than the technological 1. We can label the Egyptian revolution as the “ revolution of the angry/poor/oppressed people ” non the “ Twitter revolution ” as it was named by some Western newsmans.

Get downing with the opening tweets of our informations, a figure was given demoing that about half of the population in Egypt is hapless.

( 27a ) “ 45 % of Egyptians live under poorness line with less than a dollar a twenty-four hours ” .

This was chiefly one of the grounds why the dissenters were “ traveling down the streets ” . Poverty is one of the non-digital factors of revolution every bit good as unemployment.

2.7. Decision

This paper uses SFL and CDA to analyse informations from the ticket # Jan25 over a period of 22 yearss during the Egyptian revolution ( from January 22nd to February 12th, 2011 ) .

We could state that linguistic communication is organizing the significance and the significance conveys political orientation of societal community. Fairclough ( 1995 ) insists that discourse should be understood as a signifier of societal pattern. That is discourse is the stand foring signifier, at the same clip it is the practising signifier that people act toward the universe and other people.

Through this micro-level to the macro-level analysis, we can reason that the power of linguistic communication usage is organizing possible power dealingss between people.

3.1. Introduction

In this concluding chapter, I shall supply a sum-up of the chief findings of the research, point to some restrictions of the survey and propose farther research. The thesis closes with a consideration of some pedagogical deductions, and a general decision.

3.2. Summary of the Main Findingss

Traveling from the micro-level analysis to the macro-level analysis, this paper offers a position of both systemic functional linguistics ( SFL ) and critical discourse analysis ( CDA ) , and looks at the relationship between these positions to linguistic communication through Mood system, Person system, and Modal subsidiary system. In this survey, we have shown how Twitter was used as a medium in the custodies of the users. We have confirmed that Twitter was non a radical tool every bit far as the Egyptian rebellion is concerned. We have emphasized the function of people behind this societal platform during the 2011 protests in Egypt.

3.3. Restrictions and Further Study

The most of import restriction to the current survey is that it was conducted on a narrow, nonrandom sample of the tweets of the # Jan25 hashtag. It will be of import to retroflex this survey with a big principal. There are other countries that need to be explored to to the full turn to the research inquiry.

There is, besides, a demand for more qualitative and quantitative analyses of the tweets of the hashtag # Jan25. With a larger Twitter principal and with a computational tool, future research could give same or different consequences. A close survey of big principals could offer an of import penetration into the discourse of Twitter every bit far as the Egyptian rebellion is concerned.

The thought of Twitter as a radical tool demands deep guesss since Twitter has non passed the trial of clip yet. At the clip of the 2011 Arab rebellions, Twitter was turning five old ages old. It seems excessively early t

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